Have they come to take jobs? The most common myths about Ukrainian refugees in Europe

Greater social benefits, higher wages, and the German government's integration initiatives played a role in intra-European migration. Other reasons for moving include feedback from Ukrainians who had settled here before and the desire to provide a quality European education for their children.

Finding a job and learning new languages, integrating into European communities, and trying to maintain mental health while worrying about relatives and friends who stayed in Ukraine are the things that unite Ukrainian refugees abroad. There are also generalized stereotypes about refugees within Europe. Read more about all this in the article by Zaborona.

Ukrainians abroad and Ukrainians in Ukraine

Today, more than 280 million people - 3.6% of the world's population - live in countries other than their birthplace, but not all of them are refugees. Collectively, migrants worldwide make up the fourth most populous country in the world. The main factors are socio-economic (for conscious migration) and security, as in the case of Ukrainians.

Zaborona conducted a survey among its readers, offering them to anonymously share their opinions on their choice to stay in Ukraine or leave and stereotypes about migration.

According to the survey, the reasons for going abroad include:

• war;
• personal and family safety;
• occupation or threat of occupation of the place of residence, fear of re-occupation (for residents of the territories seized by Russia in 2014);
• availability of work abroad;
• concern for the future of children;
• loss of home and family;
• lack of opportunities to realize oneself in Ukraine;
• uncertainty about the correctness of the actions of state institutions.

Ukrainians who stayed in the country explained their choice in the following way:

• lack of opportunity to leave;
• family;
• support of the state in this way;
• staying in a relatively safe place;
• moral values.

The information from the Zaborona survey coincides with the data of the Rating Lab. When comparing opportunities, Ukrainians conclude that Europe is about jobs, protection, income, comfort, and infrastructure, while Ukraine is about services and facilities, business opportunities, and affordable housing. Success is equally possible to achieve in both Ukraine and Europe.

Myth 1: Migrants take the jobs of native workers

Talks about Ukrainian refugees trying to take the jobs of the citizens of the country where they have temporarily resettled appear from time to time on social media. In particular, this phenomenon was studied by Ada Tymińska, a human rights activist at the Helsinki Human Rights Union in Poland, in her report "'They will come and take: anti-Ukrainian hate speech on Polish Twitter".

Back in April 2023, the researcher predicted that anti-Ukrainian insults would increase when active support for refugees naturally decreased due to fatigue.

"Changes in attitudes arise only out of fear for one's own well-being," says Tymińska. "If a not-so-sane politician suddenly declares that Ukrainians will come and take jobs or social security, someone will agree with him.”

By the way, in Poland, anti-Ukrainian sentiments are stirred up by the pro-Russian far-right Confederation party, which actively opposes the "Ukrainization of Poland," blocks checkpoints on the Polish-Ukrainian border, and calls for limiting payments to refugees. Meanwhile, farmers, whose interests are supposedly protected by the Confederation, are already complaining about the lack of seasonal workers.

"I advise you to recall the statements of Polish farmers in the spring that there would be no one to pick strawberries and work in low-skilled jobs," says Vasyl Voskoboynyk, president of the All-Ukrainian Association of International Employment Companies. "Usually, people who come cannot compete for high-paying jobs, but come to those niches of the market where there is less demand among the local population. Similarly, Poles preferred to go to Germany to pick asparagus because such labor is better paid in neighboring countries."

The Polish Economic Institute (PIE) claims that the employment rate of Ukrainians in Poland is currently the highest among OECD countries. However, Ukrainian refugees face various challenges in the Polish labor market and sometimes experience unequal treatment.

“"It is more difficult for refugees to get their qualifications recognized, and they often work below their skills or in the shadow economy. Discrimination on the basis of nationality is not a widespread phenomenon," explains Radosław Zyzik, Senior Advisor at PIE Behavioral Economics. "Those who have experienced it or heard about cases of discrimination point to low remuneration, exploitation of their vulnerability in the labor market, unequal treatment and workload, and harmful stereotypes.”

For example, the experiment (PIE report "Refugees from Ukraine in the Polish Labor Market: Opportunities and Obstacles", March 2024) found that in several industries that do not require special qualifications, employers are less likely (30% less likely) to respond to resumes sent by Ukrainian women compared to resumes sent by Polish women. The difference, analysts say, is a signal of potential discrimination at the initial stage of employment.

Marcin Kołodziejczyk, Director of International Recruitment at the EWL Migration Platform, notes that Poland has been experiencing a shortage of workers for a long time. And the need for personnel is so great that people from all over the world, including Latin America and Asia, come to work in the country.

"The needs of the Polish labor market for the next five years are approximately half a million workers," says Marcin Kołodziejczyk. "Today, when the unemployment rate in Poland is the second lowest in Europe (3%), the shortage of personnel is felt in almost every industry, and the economy is growing (+2% in the first quarter of 2024). This is not about competition, but about the demand for a large number of employees. There will be enough work for everyone."

The Ukrainian House Foundation in Warsaw has also recorded a consistently low unemployment rate in Poland in recent years. According to the Central Statistical Office of Poland, the influx of refugees to Poland has not had a significant impact on its level.

"Another thing is that recent polls show that this stereotype is not as common among Poles as it seems," says Oleksandr Pestrykov, an expert at the Ukrainian House. He refers to another study by the Polish Economic Institute.

According to the study, only 30% of respondents believe that foreigners pose a threat to Polish workers. 23% believe that foreigners can compete with skilled workers, and 56% are convinced that only low-skilled workers are under threat.

"The locals are more afraid of wage dumping. Where a Pole demands a higher wage, Ukrainians will do the job for less money," says Pestrykov. "The Polish economy depends on cheap labor. This is a competitive advantage, but also a problem. It hinders robotization and automation of industry, and workers do not want to be cheap labor forever."

Over the past two years, according to the expert of the Ukrainian House Foundation, the phenomenon of migrant labor has almost disappeared. Ukrainians in Poland are looking for stable jobs with days off, sick leave, and vacations. And here a new problem arises: Polish society is ready to see Ukrainians as construction workers and waiters, but not so much as lawyers, clerks, teachers, and shop owners.

"I've also been accused of not paying taxes because Ukrainians don't work or work unofficially," says Inna, who ended up in Austria. "To which I reply that I'd be happy to work officially full-time because I have an Austrian diploma, more than ten years of Ukrainian work experience in my specialty, and fluent German. But where is that job?"

By the way, the Czech Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs also says that Ukrainians do not take jobs. According to its data, four out of five Ukrainians have found work in unskilled and unstable positions.

"The process of demographic aging is now accelerating in Europe. There is a shortage of labor everywhere," comments Ella Libanova, Director of the Ptukha Institute for Demography and Social Studies, "So business is interested in having more workers and more heads. And Ukrainians are not competing with Europeans in terms of employment as they have different niches. Yes, some competition is emerging, but it is not as much as some people want to say. It's just a misnomer."

The Center for Economic Strategy says that there is no fixed number of jobs in the economy that are held by locals or migrants.

"Immigrants stimulate the economy of the host country, because they also buy goods and services in this country," comments Daria Mykhailyshyna, senior economist at the Center for Economic Strategy. "To produce more goods and services, you need more jobs. So usually immigrants do not take the jobs of locals, but help economic growth, which creates more jobs." 

Myth 2: Refugees consume large amounts of budget funds that could be spent on community development and other local expenditures

The stereotype that Ukrainians move to Europe for financial assistance and stay for social benefits is quite widespread among both local and Ukrainian citizens who stayed at home (as evidenced by the responses in the Zaborona survey).

"In Germany, many people have the opinion that Ukrainians stay here only to receive social benefits and that they do not want to work. I am involved as an interpreter for Ukrainians in various institutions. And I am very sorry to see that this stereotype is often justified," a Ukrainian woman shared her experience.

About 80% of Ukrainian refugees in Germany live in apartments partially paid for by the state. Rent and housing costs amount to 750-850 euros per person per month. In addition, health insurance, integration courses, and support for children and pensioners are provided.

About 700,000 refugees with Ukrainian passports are registered with German employment centers. All of them can receive 563 euros per month, and children are also provided with benefits.

"The German government says that if 20% of Ukrainians are currently employed, they will be satisfied with an increase to 40%," says Vasyl Voskoboinyk, president of the All-Ukrainian Association of International Employment Companies. "The low percentage of people employed in Germany is due to the fact that there are language requirements, and they also stress highly skilled work, giving Ukrainians the opportunity to improve their skills or retrain to work not only with their hands. Now the government is simplifying the employment conditions and reducing the requirements for German language skills."

Nevertheless, almost all of those who took part in the survey and are currently living abroad say they are working.

In Poland and the Czech Republic, it has already been estimated that Ukrainian refugees who found themselves in these countries at the outbreak of full-scale war have more than compensated for the money spent on them.

The Polish government spent 15 billion zlotys (about 3 billion euros) in 2022 and about 5 billion (more than 1.1 billion euros) in 2023 on state support for refugees from Ukraine. This assistance also includes a one-time payment of 300 zlotys (70 euros), a monthly child benefit of 500 zlotys, which has increased to 800 zlotys (187 euros) since January 2024. However, only 7% of Ukrainian refugees live on Polish social assistance, which is one of the smallest in the EU.

Almost 80% of Ukrainian citizens who arrived in Poland due to the full-scale invasion are employed and support themselves. Research by the EWL Migration Platform confirms that Ukrainian refugees started looking for work from the first weeks of their stay in Poland, and changed jobs throughout the year, seeking professional growth opportunities.

In the Czech Republic, the balance of income and expenditures in support of Ukrainian refugees was as follows: In 2023, 21.6 billion CZK (858 million euros) in expenditures still exceeded 21 billion CZK in income. However, in the first quarter of 2024, revenues outweighed expenditures - 6.4 billion CZK (approximately 254 million euros) in taxes and fees against 3.5 billion CZK in aid. 88% of Ukrainian refugees in the Czech Republic work.

Myth 3: Migrants do not pay taxes and do not contribute to the development of the economy

Back in May 2022, Oxford Economics predicted that if 650,000 Ukrainians remained in Poland, the country's GDP could grow by 1.2% by 2030, and if 1 million Ukrainians remained, by 2%, compared to the scenario without forced Ukrainian migrants. Similar forecasts were made by the National Bank of Ukraine, which in 2022 estimated that, thanks to refugees from Ukraine, the GDP of Poland and the Czech Republic would increase by 2.2-2.3% by 2026 compared to the baseline scenario, and Germany's would increase by 0.6%-0.65%.

While in 2022, state budget revenues from Ukrainians in Poland amounted to 0.8-1.0%, in 2023 they will already be 1.3-1.6%. In monetary terms, this amounts to 10.1-13.7 billion zlotys (approximately 2.34-3.18 billion euros) in 2022 and 14.7-19.9 billion zlotys in 2023. The study "Analysis of the Impact of Refugees from Ukraine on the Polish Economy" was commissioned by the UN and conducted by the international consulting company Deloitte in cooperation with the EWL Migration Platform.

"Recently, there was a study by experts from the UK, where there are much fewer Ukrainian migrants," said Ella Libanova, director of the Ptukha Institute for Demography and Social Studies. "They say that an additional 0.2% of GDP is the contribution of Ukrainian migrants. And this is serious for Britain. Ukrainians live in Europe, work, pay taxes, and spend money."

According to a survey conducted by the Center for Economic Strategy, as of January 2024, 45% of Ukrainians who went abroad were employed or became entrepreneurs, and thus pay taxes on their labor income or business profits. All migrants pay at least consumption taxes and value added tax when they buy any goods and services. 

"Let's not forget that in Poland and the Czech Republic, the money paid to people who provided housing was received by the locals," states Vasyl Voskoboinyk, president of the All-Ukrainian Association of International Employment Companies. "If we talk about the Polish allowance of 800+ per child [payment of 800 zlotys per month for a child under the age of 18], it is clear that this money will be used for this child, it will go to the budget and remain in circulation in the country, and will contribute to the development of the economy.”

Myth 4: Growing crime

In early 2024, the Ukrainian House Foundation in Warsaw was forced to publicly respond to the Rzeczpospolita article "The Dark Side of Migration. Foreigners in Poland are driving drunk and violating prohibitions". The article stated, in particular, that "the influx of thousands of foreigners, which increased after the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, was reflected in crime statistics."

In an open letter to the editor, the foundation reasonably suggests that there were probably some reasons and prerequisites (events, alarming poll results, xenophobic statements by politicians) that prompted Rzeczpospolita to publish statistics on crimes committed in Poland by non-citizens.

"It would be fair to state these reasons and explain to the reader your intentions in writing the article," the letter reads. "It is alarming that a serious newspaper that shapes public opinion resorts to ethnic profiling and manipulation of cultural differences.”

The foundation's experts processed the numbers published in the article and concluded that the 17,278 foreigners who committed crimes in 2023 were responsible for only about 2% of all crimes. Also, the 3,240 thefts committed by foreigners accounted for approximately 3% of all thefts in Poland, and the 2,451 drug possession charges accounted for 4% of all such charges.

"The stereotype about the worsening of the crime situation due to refugees has only been encountered among Polish journalists," comments Oleksandr Pestrykov, an expert at Ukrainian House. "They often like to stress the nationality of suspects and convicts."

He notes that there is no special data on Ukrainian crime in Poland, but previous studies on migrant crime generally show a standard trend: crime among foreigners is lower than among local citizens, at least because they face deportation.

"Ukrainians mostly work," says Ella Libanova. "There are very few men among Ukrainian migrants, it’s mostly women and children. Therefore, it is unlikely that they worsen the crime situation so much."

Myth 5: Refugees increase the burden on the medical system, education system, and housing market

Experts predict that the painful issues of waiting lists for doctors, which now include many Ukrainians, the burden on the education system, and rising housing prices may become the biggest problem and cause a deterioration in the attitude of Europeans toward Ukrainians.

"In Poland, you have to wait in lines to see a doctor for a long time, and it's difficult to enroll a child in a kindergarten – it's true. So the sudden appearance of new people causes a sense of growing threat. However, there were problems with access to special medical care even before the arrival of Ukrainians. This only shows that the state is ineffective in some aspects," says Ada Tyminska, a human rights activist with the Helsinki Human Rights Union in Poland and a researcher of anti-Ukrainian hate speech in Polish social media.

Temporary status gives the right to access medical care in Poland. "But the thing is that if you have to pay for housing, if you have to make a living, you have to work," says Olena. "And when you work, you have healthcare even without status, because you pay deductions from your salary. And your turn to see a doctor is legally paid for."

The Ukrainian House Foundation analyzed data from the medical system for 2022. During the first year of the war, 0.5 billion zlotys were spent on Ukrainians, although 2 billion was planned.

Oleksandr Pestrykov predicts that problems in the education sector will worsen in the fall of 2024 when all Ukrainian children will be required to attend Polish schools. Until now, parents could decide for themselves whether to send their child to a Ukrainian school online. Now, this will mean more children in the classroom, more conflicts, parental disputes, and bullying.

Oleksandr Pestrykov highlights that there has never been a single case when a Pole did not get something because it was given to Ukrainians: "However, this does not prevent pro-Russian parties from directly stating that the government is now supporting not only its own citizens but also citizens of a neighboring country. This stereotype is very widespread."

As an argument in favor of the conspiracy theory that locals tend to believe in, he cites a new poll showing that more than 60% of Polish citizens agree with the statement that Poles in Poland are now becoming "second-class citizens" and that Ukrainians have received privileges that are not theirs.

"The situation with housing is more complicated," notes Oleksandr Pestrykov. "In 2022, prices really started to rise, and, for example, in Warsaw, housing affordable for students almost disappeared. This was indeed due to the influx of Ukrainians, but now prices have almost returned to the level of 2021."

(Non)return

On the other hand, Ukrainians who have decided to stay outside the country share the experience that they are considered cowards and traitors at home who do not care about the fate of the state. As if they are living their best life abroad, have forgotten about Ukraine, and do not care about the war. That they left not for security reasons, but for more money. That they do not donate and do not help.

The Center for Economic Strategy estimates that between 860,000 and 2.7 million Ukrainians may remain abroad. These are mostly promising, educated Ukrainians, students, mothers with children, who will be joined later by their husbands. Older people or those with lower levels of education are more likely to return to Ukraine after the war.

According to the CES, the non-return of Ukrainians will have a significant impact on the Ukrainian economy, which could lose between 2.55 and 7.71% of GDP.

"If half of those who left stay abroad, it will be a very serious blow to us," said the director of the Ptukha Institute for Demography and Social Studies. "The issue of returning Ukrainians who left because of the war will be one of the key challenges in the near future.”

The general sentiment is confirmed by the data of the international OneUA survey, which included more than 18,000 respondents in eight European countries. Ukrainian refugees living in Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Moldova, and Romania are more likely to indicate that they intend to return to Ukraine than refugees in the Netherlands and Germany. The main factors are motives of social attachment and the economic factor.

Authors: Olha Hembik, Yevheniya Kostina