Why Ukraine is looking to the Philippines for new allies, markets and workers

“Filipinos live by the principle that if you want to survive, you smile at life,” says Fediv, Ukraine’s ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary to the Philippines. At the start of our conversation, she notes that she prefers to be addressed as pani posol - “Madam Ambassador” in Ukrainian.

The Philippines lies more than 10,000 kilometers from Ukraine, across thousands of islands in Southeast Asia. Although Kyiv and Manila established diplomatic relations in 1992, Ukraine went more than three decades without an embassy there. It opened one only after Russia’s full-scale invasion forced Kyiv to look farther afield for allies and partners, including among the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

The two countries have more in common than their distance might suggest. The Philippines faces an increasingly difficult territorial dispute with China in the South China Sea and regularly deals with devastating natural disasters. For Ukraine, meanwhile, the country represents not only a potential political partner but also a market for Ukrainian agricultural and defense products — and a possible gateway to Southeast Asia.

How can Ukraine establish itself in a region where Russia has spent decades building influence? What can the two countries offer each other? And why should Kyiv devote scarce diplomatic resources to a country more than 10,000 kilometers away?

We discussed these questions with Ambassador Yuliia Fediv.

Filipinos see Ukrainians as heroes - but there is more to the relationship

How do people in the Philippines see Ukraine today, and how has the country positioned itself on Russia’s war?

For Filipinos, Ukraine is the breadbasket of Europe. They understand the strength of our agricultural sector, our farming technologies and expertise in land cultivation.

But they also see Ukraine as a country that fights back and Ukrainians as heroes. Filipinos genuinely see Ukrainians as heroes. They want to understand how Ukraine confronts a much larger enemy through asymmetric means and how our civil society, military and government work together.

Since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, the Philippines has taken a clearly pro-Ukrainian position. It has supported UN resolutions aimed at achieving peace in Ukraine and upholding international law.

That position is also influenced by the Philippines’ own territorial dispute with China in the South China Sea. In 2016, an international arbitration tribunal rejected Beijing’s sweeping claims in the region, but China has refused to accept the ruling. So Filipinos understand Ukraine’s efforts to defend its territorial integrity against a much larger neighbor.

For some people here, Ukraine’s experience is relevant from a security perspective. For others, there are lessons even in how we respond to civilian emergencies. In Ukraine, Russia destroys homes and infrastructure; in the Philippines, communities regularly face typhoons, volcanic eruptions and earthquakes.

There is also considerable interest in Ukraine’s experience in countering disinformation, cybersecurity and cognitive warfare.

How accurately do Philippine media portray Ukraine? Has the war in the Middle East pushed Ukraine out of the spotlight?

For the most part, the coverage is accurate. But the war in the Middle East has taken a lot of attention away from Ukraine because it has a direct impact on the Philippine economy and domestic politics.

Many Filipino migrant workers are employed across the Middle East, including in Qatar, Oman, the United Arab Emirates, Israel and Saudi Arabia. When the conflict in the Persian Gulf escalated, the Philippines began evacuating some of its citizens from the region.

The Philippines is also heavily dependent on imported energy, so disruption in the Strait of Hormuz created serious problems for the country. There are other domestic challenges here that have also been exacerbated by the Middle East war.

The Philippines is a member of ASEAN. Is there a common position within the bloc on Russia’s war against Ukraine?

No. A number of ASEAN countries have longstanding political, economic and security ties with Russia and continue to view it positively. These include Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia and Laos. Others, such as Singapore, are more supportive of Ukraine.

Singapore is the only ASEAN member to have joined sanctions against Russia. The other countries, including the Philippines, have not. But Singapore has a strong economy and is in a better position to absorb the cost of sanctions. The Philippines has less room to do so.

For example, when disruption in the Strait of Hormuz forced the Philippines to diversify its oil supplies, the country bought a small amount of Russian oil for the first time since 2022. Russian oil accounted for less than 1% of its energy imports.

The Philippines previously canceled a deal to buy Russian military helicopters partly over concerns about U.S. sanctions. Why was Russian oil treated differently?

The decision to buy Russian oil was sensitive for the Philippines’ Western partners, particularly as Manila is in the final stages of negotiating a free trade agreement with the European Union.

The Philippine government explained that the purchase was an economic rather than a political decision. Ukraine and its partners accepted that explanation, in part because maintaining Philippine support at the UN and in other areas is important.

As far as I know, there has been no further information indicating broader renewed cooperation with Russia.

The Philippines generally pursues a foreign policy based on maintaining good relations with as many countries as possible. It sits at the crossroads of major Asian trade routes and understands the need to balance its relationships.

But among the Philippine public, government, parliament, intellectual community and military circles, there is clear support for Ukraine.

Building a Ukrainian presence after decades of Russian influence

Is Russia’s presence in the Philippines still stronger than Ukraine’s?

Unfortunately, yes. There is a simple reason for that: this year marks 50 years of diplomatic relations between Moscow and Manila.

Ukraine established diplomatic relations with the Philippines in 1992, but the decision to open an embassy in Manila was made only in 2024. The first resident Ukrainian ambassador arrived in 2025.

The Philippines still does not have an embassy in Ukraine. Its embassy in Warsaw covers Poland, Ukraine and Lithuania. For some time, Ukraine’s relations with the Philippines were handled by our embassies elsewhere in Asia.

So you are Ukraine’s first ambassador to the Philippines actually based in the country?

Yes, I am Ukraine’s first resident ambassador to the Philippines. Having a physical presence in another country makes an enormous difference. It allows you to build personal relationships, and those relationships become the foundation for relations between states.

How large is Ukraine’s diplomatic presence compared with Russia’s or the United States’?

Our embassy currently has three diplomats besides me and two administrative and technical staff members. That is a very small team for a country of more than 7,500 islands and 117 million people.

Russia’s embassy in Manila has a staff of around 30. The U.S. presence is much larger still.

You moved to the Philippines with a very young child. How did that affect your posting?

When I learned about the appointment, I was already pregnant. I gave birth in Ukraine and moved to the Philippines with my husband and our baby three months later.

I am very grateful that the Foreign Ministry supported me. It was also an example of why gender policies within the diplomatic service matter. There are around 15 female ambassadors currently serving in the Philippines.

Is there a large Ukrainian community in the Philippines?

It is small - around 100 people. Most are Ukrainians married to Filipinos, as well as expatriates working for international organizations. One Ukrainian family that moved from Odesa many years ago runs a Ukrainian restaurant here.

Since the embassy opened, we have tried to bring the community together at least once every few months. I am always particularly happy when people bring their children. Maintaining that connection with Ukraine matters when you live more than 10,000 kilometers away.

From wheat to drones: What Ukraine can offer the Philippines

What does Ukraine currently export to the Philippines, and what does it import?

Wheat is our largest export to the Philippines, followed by sunflower oil. We also export corn, soybeans, fertilizers and pharmaceutical products.

Trade currently favors the Philippines: Ukrainian goods account for about 30% of bilateral trade, while Philippine exports to Ukraine make up around 70%. These include electronics, dried fruit and canned tuna.

In fact, when Ukrainians bake paska, the traditional Easter bread, there is a good chance that some of the dried bananas, pineapple or papaya they use came from the Philippines.

How competitive are Ukrainian products in the Philippine market?

Our main competitors are not necessarily Russia, but producers from Latin America and the Asia-Pacific region.

It is still too early to talk about full-fledged competition because we are only beginning the regulatory work needed to open the Philippine market to more Ukrainian products. Many goods, particularly animal products, require certification.

Normally, Philippine inspectors must visit production facilities before approving them. Because Ukraine remains under the Philippines’ highest security warning, official travel there is currently restricted.

We are trying to find alternatives — for example, differentiating between regions according to security risks or allowing inspections to be conducted online. Even for countries with much longer economic relationships with the Philippines, certification can take years.

And this is not only about the Philippine market. In the longer term, the Philippines could become a hub for Ukrainian companies seeking access to markets across ASEAN.

We recently signed a cooperation memorandum between the Ukrainian and Philippine chambers of commerce and held a bilateral business forum. We are also working on sectoral agreements covering agriculture, cybersecurity, defense, trade and culture.

Philippine defense officials visited Ukraine in July amid discussions about possible drone cooperation. What are they interested in?

I think the visit was primarily exploratory. They wanted to understand how drones are being used on the battlefield in Ukraine, what modern warfare looks like from the inside and how contemporary defense technologies are developing.

Whether that interest results in an agreement remains to be seen.

The Philippines does not have a large domestic arms manufacturing industry and relies heavily on foreign suppliers. Ukraine has demonstrated that innovative technologies can make drone production relatively affordable, and that experience is interesting to the Philippines.

Since 2022, the Philippines has stopped buying weapons from Russia. That means Ukrainian defense companies would not necessarily have to compete with Russian suppliers to enter the market.

And cooperation does not have to be limited to combat drones. Ukrainian technology could potentially be used for reconnaissance in the South China Sea, agriculture or even monitoring and forecasting typhoons.

Is the Philippines investing in Ukraine?

The Philippines itself relies heavily on foreign investment, so large-scale investment in Ukraine is not something we are seeing at the moment.

But there has been humanitarian support. Philippine businesses have donated 40 generators to Ukraine, which will help us prepare for the coming winter.

There have also been fundraising campaigns supporting Ukrainian hospitals and social projects. And last year, one Philippine company donated around one metric ton of canned tuna to the Ukrainian military.

These may not be enormous contributions, but the support is there.

Filipino medics, Russian recruiters and Ukraine’s long game in Asia

The Philippines is known internationally as a major tourism destination. Could it eventually play a role in rehabilitating Ukrainian service members?

The Philippines certainly has potential for rehabilitation. But right now, Ukraine’s Health Ministry is more interested in bringing Filipino healthcare workers to Ukraine.

Filipino medical professionals have a strong reputation and already work across Europe, including in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic.

Bringing them into the Ukrainian healthcare system would take time. There would need to be language training and professional preparation to make their integration as smooth as possible.

So Ukraine sees Filipino workers as one possible answer to its labor shortages?

Yes, but this is a longer-term prospect. The Federation of Employers of Ukraine is interested in attracting Filipino workers in sectors where the war has created or is expected to create shortages.

The Philippines is one of the world’s major sources of migrant labor, with millions of Filipinos working abroad. It has a dedicated government agency overseeing labor migration, and European countries are already competing to attract Filipino workers.

Ukraine has to understand who it would be competing with as an employer.

For now, however, the route to Ukraine is effectively closed to Filipino workers because of security restrictions imposed by the Philippine government. There are currently only around 30 Filipinos living in Ukraine, mostly working for international organizations..

What about Filipinos joining Ukraine’s military?

Ukraine welcomes foreign volunteers who want to defend the country, but I have not seen significant interest among Filipinos in joining the Ukrainian Armed Forces.

There have, however, been cases of Russia recruiting Filipinos into its military. According to the Philippine side, people are offered what they believe will be civilian jobs in Russia, only to end up in the Russian military and be sent to Ukraine.

They then risk being killed or becoming prisoners of war. The issue is highly sensitive in the Philippines and is being closely monitored by both its Department of Migrant Workers and Foreign Ministry.

Russia has spent decades building its cultural presence in the Philippines. How does Ukraine begin to compete?

We need to make Ukraine more visible.

We are involving Philippine educational institutions in the Global Coalition of Ukrainian Studies and opening Ukrainian book collections at universities, shopping centers and bookstores.

One of the first gifts I received from the Philippine National Commission for Culture and the Arts was a Filipino translation of Taras Shevchenko’s Testament.

Russia has spent 50 years building recognition in the Philippines. We need to work actively on our own presence as well. I hope that one day we will see a monument to Shevchenko or Lesia Ukrainka in Manila.

Where do you see the greatest potential for relations between Ukraine and the Philippines?

First, trade. Second, security. And third, there are similarities in the way our societies respond to adversity.

The Philippines has repeatedly faced both external threats and devastating natural disasters. Manila was largely destroyed during World War II. That constant exposure to danger — from neighbors as well as from nature — has helped develop a resilience that Ukrainians can recognize.

What is your most important task as Ukraine’s ambassador?

First and foremost, to preserve and strengthen Philippine support for Ukraine so that its voice at the United Nations continues to work in our favor.

We have to keep explaining who the aggressor is, who is violating international law and who is challenging an international order that matters enormously to countries in Southeast Asia. None of these countries benefits from a world in which international law can simply be ignored.

Ukraine has limited diplomatic resources. Why should it invest them in a country more than 10,000 kilometers away?

The Philippines has 117 million people and a rapidly developing economy. We need to enter its markets while there is a window of opportunity, establish ourselves and build relationships that can eventually open wider opportunities for Ukrainian businesses across the region.

But Russia’s invasion has also taught us that Ukraine needs a much broader presence in the world.

We need the support of countries that recognize Ukraine as an independent actor and a future leader. That means investing in relationships in Asia as well as in our traditional partner countries.

Trust in this region takes a long time to build. We have to demonstrate that Ukraine is reliable, that we keep our word and that other countries can depend on us.

I believe the next international order should rely more on the potential of middle powers, rather than being shaped primarily by the major powers that are permanent members of the UN Security Council.

We can only help build that kind of system if we know more about one another instead of remaining inside bubbles created by the world’s biggest players.